道しるべ

参院選へ護憲再生で阻もう

2024/11/13
政権の野党分断と巻込み  

    石破政権は、総選挙の敗北で野党への分断と一定の譲歩で延命を図り、軍事力強化と戦争準備への翼賛体制を求めるだろう。暮らしと平和の危機は続く。来夏の参院選へ護憲勢力を立て直そう。
 
参院選睨にらみの政局 

    与党の過半数割れと立憲民主、国民民主の躍進、共産、社民の停滞という総選挙結果は、複雑な政局をつくりだした。国民は、「103万円の壁」などの政策を飲ませて石破政権の延命に手を貸す。 

    しかし、国民との連携だけでは、石破内閣の政権運営は行き詰まる。立憲、維新向けにも、「政治改革」などで「企業団体献金廃止」は別として、一定の譲歩をするだろう。 

    一方、米国でトランプ大統領再現になれば世界は更に不安定化する。米国が対中国包囲網の負担を日本に負わせようとすれば、与野党の大勢は「日米同盟基軸」だから、更に米国の無理難題を受け入れるだろう。沖縄・南西諸島の軍事要塞化にも拍車がかかる。石破政権は野党を分断しつつ、安保・外交では協力を求め翼賛体制づくりを企てるだろう。こうした流動化の結末がどうなるかは、先ずは来夏の参院選の結果いかんだ。 

    参議院選挙を睨にらんで、野党間の駆け引きが続く。選挙協力と「政権交代」に向けて立民、国民、維新の合意形成が模索されるだろう。国民と維新は、立民に、安保・外交、エネルギー、憲法での一致を求めている。 

護憲勢力立直しを 

  「日米同盟を基軸とし、アジア太平洋地域との連携強化」を公約に「安保」政策の継承性を強調して、「保守票」もとる路線で躍進した立民が、この揺さぶりを跳ね返せるか。立民内の心ある人々が奮起しないと、9条改憲が政治日程に上りかねない。参院選は、立憲野党共闘の再生を含め、改憲を阻むために重大な闘いなのである。 

    まずは共産と社民が参院選で前進することで、立民を護憲の側に引き寄せる力を示すこと。とりわけ社民党の帰き すう趨が決定的だ。9条を活かそうという政治勢力が後退することは、あってはならない。 

     軍事的緊張の激化は「国防」意識を醸成させるが、一方で「9条を活かすほかない」という賢明な判断を人々に促す。沖縄の選挙区で勝ち抜いたのが、社民党と共産党であることはその象徴である。 

     新社会党は、総選挙で精一杯社民党を支援した。参院選では両党の共同強化はもとより、危機感を抱く多くの労働者・市民と連帯して反転攻勢に転じたい。


No. 1378 Division and Incorporation of Opposition Forces by Government

The Ishiba government has lost in the recent general election. It will try to survive by way of dividing the opposition forces and making certain concessions with them so that military buildup can be enhanced. And therefore, the parliament may be forced to be under one-party rule to urge the country get ready for warfare. People’s livelihood and peace will be further deteriorated. Let’s rebuild pro-Constitution camp steadily in order to win in the 2025 July election of the House of Councilors.

LET’S RECONSTRUCT PRO-CONSTITUTION FORCES IN CAMPAIGNING FOR UPPER HOUSE ELECTION!

A political phase after the October general election is complicated; the government parties have lost the majority, the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) and the Kokumin-Minshu-to (the Party for the People) have advanced, and the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) have stagnated. People were amazed at breaking ‘the wall of \1.03 million’ (the no-taxable annual income, the Kokumin pledged to elevate this minimal threshold), which might be led to surviving the Ishiba government longer.

The Ishiba-led administration will be unable to govern properly only through linkage with people. It will also work upon the CDP and the Kokumin through ‘political reforms’ to compromise with them to a certain extent, though the issue of ‘prohibition of contributions from business entities and organizations’ is set aside.

Meanwhile, the world will be further destabilized if Mr. Trump becomes President again. If the United States requests Japan to owe burdens its necessary costs to encircle China, most of the Japanese ruling components will accept even unreasonable demands as they hail the bilateral alliance pivot. Militarization in Okinawa and neighboring islands in the southwestern region of the country will rapidly proceed. The Ishiba government will divide the opposition forces, while it seeks cooperation from them over national security and diplomacy by steering the parliament with a single leadership. Where will this political upheaval go? That will certainly depend on results of the coming Upper House election to be held in July, 2025.

Focusing on the Upper House election, the opposition parties will keep maneuvering among themselves. The CDP, the Kokumin and the Ishin (the Renovation Party) will seek for cooperation agreement in the coming election, pursuing ‘alternation of government.’ The Kokumin and the Ishin request the CDP to have an identical idea in common on security, diplomacy, energy and the Constitution.

Rebuilding pro-Constitution forces

The CDP has advanced in the recent general election, pledging ‘to strengthen links with the Asia-Pacific region on the basis of the US-Japan bilateral alliance’, emphasizing sequence of the security policy so as to attract conservative voters. Can the party repel the shake-ups? Unless some conscious lawmakers inside the CDP are keen enough, amendment of Article Nine of the Constitution may be put on the political agenda. The 2025 election means a significant fight to impede rewriting of the Constitution, including reconstruction of joint front of all opposition forces.

The first point lies in advancing the JCP and the SDP in the election, presenting satisfactory capacity to drive the CDP back into the pro-Constitution side. How the SDP will win is vital, in particular. Article Nine defenders must not retreat.

When military tension rises, people’s consciousness toward ‘national defense’ will be heightened on one hand, and, on the other, people will be urged to attain to wise judgment, ‘no other option but preference of Article Nine’. This notion is symbolized in the fact in the recent general election that candidates from the SDP and the JCP have won in the Okinawa’s constituencies.

The New Socialist Party (NSP) have supported the SDP vigorously in the October election. In the coming Upper House election, we will fight not only to consolidate the joint bilateral work but also to get ready for counter-offensive against crisis, united with numerous workers and citizens.



November 13, 2024